On Tuesday and Wednesday I had the privilege to attend a workshop organized by the local gvmt. The aim of the workshop was to hear what the leaders of Organizations of Displaced Population (ODPs) had to add to the "characterization of forced internal displacement in the city of Medellin associated with the territory dynamics of urban conflict, populations, institutions and public policies" that was developed by the team of researchers of the Instituto de Estudios Politicos (IEP) of the Universidad de Antioquia (UdeA).
The aim of the PIU (Unique Integral Plan) is to bring together government institutions, international organizations and the displaced population to create a plan of action which is constructed in a participative and collective manner, in order to make assistance to the displaced more efficient, integral, coordinated, effective, etc.
This weeks' workshop was very intense (we worked long hours on both days), but many interesting things came out of it. Important problems in the attention to the displaced came to light, as well as problems of lack of access to their rights.
I would like to highlight some of the problems that I found to be most important:
There is a serious problem of information dissemination. Institutions either misinform or don’t inform the population about where they should go to do various kinds of paperwork, and many times this becomes an issue because they need that paperwork to access certain benefits, yet they can’t afford to pay for transportation, especially when they go to the wrong location and have the added cost of extra transportation.
Another important issue that kept coming up is the fact that the displaced are often mistreated, stigmatized and discriminated because of their condition of displacement. Functionaries are rude, call them liars, and are unhelpful with this very vulnerable population. People agreed that the institutions in themselves were not bad, just the people who work at the institutions. The displaced called for "humanity" in their treatment.
It was recognized that although the law is there to protect and aid the displaced (as it clearly states their rights), it is not being observed and their rights are being constantly violated.
One thing that kept being brought up was the lack of coordination among different institutions. One example is the fact that at the national level, the education of displaced populations is supposed to be free, yet at the local level this is, at times, not observed. Schools kick children out because they don’t wear the uniform (unfortunately their parents can’t afford to buy a uniform) or are not given food at school because their parents can’t pay. This coupled with stigmatization and discrimination of displaced children makes them feel insecure and unwanted, and they do not want to go back to school. Another issue is transportation. If the school is far, and parents cannot afford to pay for transportation, children are at risk, not just of homicide (they live in very dangerous places) but young girls are often targeted and raped. So, if the school is far, and parents cannot afford transportation, children are left at home. This is another risk, as these places are dangerous and children are (according to the displaced persons) the most vulnerable. Many times they turn to illicit activities such as prostitution and hired guns as a means to put food on their plates.
Another issue that kept coming up repeatedly throughout both days of the workshop was the differential treatment between the displaced (victims) and the “reinsertados/desmovilizados” (the ones who made them victims). The reinsertados (reinserted) are people who supposedly used to belong to insurgent groups, but who have been “reinserted” into society. They receive gvmt grants for housing and aid for training, education, job placement, etc. For the displaced this is very problematic. They argue that reinsertados keep breaking the law in their settlements (both live close together in the most marginal areas of Medelin), but now with the government’s money. They see a huge difference in what they (the displaced) receive and what the reinsertados receive. This has created a serious rift and an animosity toward the government. Along those lines, one person expressed that the displaced settled in Medellin have only two options. 1. Live along side and tolerate the very people who forced them to flee their homes and locations or 2. Flee again from settlement to settlement.
Medellin is the city with the biggest problem of intra-urban displacement in Colombia. The violence in the settlements and the death threats forced displaced persons to displace again within the city. This is very problematic because they encounter nearly the same situation here they were fleeing from in the first place. In other words, People flee from rural into urban areas because they are afraid for their lives. Yet, they arrive in the city to find a similar situation with the same actors. This creates problems of intra-urban displacement. So, the same dynamics of the conflict are found in the city, which results in redisplacement.
Due to this, there is also a generalized lack of trust in the public forces. There is nearly no police or military presence in the settlements, and they are controlled by insurgent groups who repress the population, steal from them, kill them, etc.
There is also a dislike for NGOs (operadores) because they are said to use the displaced populations to receive funds that ultimately do not go into the communities in need. The other side of this problem is that many times NGOs are hired by the gvmt to do some of the projects, and apparently the money to pay the NGOs is coming from that which is supposed to go to the displaced person. For instance, if one project is worth one million pesos, after dealing with the NGO the actual amount received by the person is much less. The displaced are concerned about the lack of responsibility and accountability that comes from the gvmt placing it's responsibility on private entities such as NGOs (both national and international).
These are some of the most important issues discussed during those two days. I am concerned about the deterioration of the relations between the displaced population and the institutions. Unfortunately, the government has lost credibility among that population and unless things start to change it will be very difficult to gain it back.
I have been learning a lot about this very complicated issue. There are many variables that come into play, many emotions, but what is most important to me, is that behind all of these problems are people. People who are struggling to earn a living who are coming together to participate and to construct their own future. I was asked a couple of days ago what praxis means here in Medellin. To me, praxis in Medellin is exactly what I am studying and experiencing right now. It is people acting and taking charge of their futures, actively working towards a better tomorrow and mobilizing to defend their rights. It doesn’t matter what kinds of obstacles you face, who stands against you, or what strength you have left to participate, because the point is to come together and by means of praxis, of engaging, of living and experiencing, learning through doing and through experimenting. Organizations of Displaced Persons do just that. Praxis doesn't just spring from one’s own inspiration, but it also inspires the uninspired.
The aim of the PIU (Unique Integral Plan) is to bring together government institutions, international organizations and the displaced population to create a plan of action which is constructed in a participative and collective manner, in order to make assistance to the displaced more efficient, integral, coordinated, effective, etc.
This weeks' workshop was very intense (we worked long hours on both days), but many interesting things came out of it. Important problems in the attention to the displaced came to light, as well as problems of lack of access to their rights.
I would like to highlight some of the problems that I found to be most important:
There is a serious problem of information dissemination. Institutions either misinform or don’t inform the population about where they should go to do various kinds of paperwork, and many times this becomes an issue because they need that paperwork to access certain benefits, yet they can’t afford to pay for transportation, especially when they go to the wrong location and have the added cost of extra transportation.
Another important issue that kept coming up is the fact that the displaced are often mistreated, stigmatized and discriminated because of their condition of displacement. Functionaries are rude, call them liars, and are unhelpful with this very vulnerable population. People agreed that the institutions in themselves were not bad, just the people who work at the institutions. The displaced called for "humanity" in their treatment.
It was recognized that although the law is there to protect and aid the displaced (as it clearly states their rights), it is not being observed and their rights are being constantly violated.
One thing that kept being brought up was the lack of coordination among different institutions. One example is the fact that at the national level, the education of displaced populations is supposed to be free, yet at the local level this is, at times, not observed. Schools kick children out because they don’t wear the uniform (unfortunately their parents can’t afford to buy a uniform) or are not given food at school because their parents can’t pay. This coupled with stigmatization and discrimination of displaced children makes them feel insecure and unwanted, and they do not want to go back to school. Another issue is transportation. If the school is far, and parents cannot afford to pay for transportation, children are at risk, not just of homicide (they live in very dangerous places) but young girls are often targeted and raped. So, if the school is far, and parents cannot afford transportation, children are left at home. This is another risk, as these places are dangerous and children are (according to the displaced persons) the most vulnerable. Many times they turn to illicit activities such as prostitution and hired guns as a means to put food on their plates.
Another issue that kept coming up repeatedly throughout both days of the workshop was the differential treatment between the displaced (victims) and the “reinsertados/desmovilizados” (the ones who made them victims). The reinsertados (reinserted) are people who supposedly used to belong to insurgent groups, but who have been “reinserted” into society. They receive gvmt grants for housing and aid for training, education, job placement, etc. For the displaced this is very problematic. They argue that reinsertados keep breaking the law in their settlements (both live close together in the most marginal areas of Medelin), but now with the government’s money. They see a huge difference in what they (the displaced) receive and what the reinsertados receive. This has created a serious rift and an animosity toward the government. Along those lines, one person expressed that the displaced settled in Medellin have only two options. 1. Live along side and tolerate the very people who forced them to flee their homes and locations or 2. Flee again from settlement to settlement.
Medellin is the city with the biggest problem of intra-urban displacement in Colombia. The violence in the settlements and the death threats forced displaced persons to displace again within the city. This is very problematic because they encounter nearly the same situation here they were fleeing from in the first place. In other words, People flee from rural into urban areas because they are afraid for their lives. Yet, they arrive in the city to find a similar situation with the same actors. This creates problems of intra-urban displacement. So, the same dynamics of the conflict are found in the city, which results in redisplacement.
Due to this, there is also a generalized lack of trust in the public forces. There is nearly no police or military presence in the settlements, and they are controlled by insurgent groups who repress the population, steal from them, kill them, etc.
There is also a dislike for NGOs (operadores) because they are said to use the displaced populations to receive funds that ultimately do not go into the communities in need. The other side of this problem is that many times NGOs are hired by the gvmt to do some of the projects, and apparently the money to pay the NGOs is coming from that which is supposed to go to the displaced person. For instance, if one project is worth one million pesos, after dealing with the NGO the actual amount received by the person is much less. The displaced are concerned about the lack of responsibility and accountability that comes from the gvmt placing it's responsibility on private entities such as NGOs (both national and international).
These are some of the most important issues discussed during those two days. I am concerned about the deterioration of the relations between the displaced population and the institutions. Unfortunately, the government has lost credibility among that population and unless things start to change it will be very difficult to gain it back.
I have been learning a lot about this very complicated issue. There are many variables that come into play, many emotions, but what is most important to me, is that behind all of these problems are people. People who are struggling to earn a living who are coming together to participate and to construct their own future. I was asked a couple of days ago what praxis means here in Medellin. To me, praxis in Medellin is exactly what I am studying and experiencing right now. It is people acting and taking charge of their futures, actively working towards a better tomorrow and mobilizing to defend their rights. It doesn’t matter what kinds of obstacles you face, who stands against you, or what strength you have left to participate, because the point is to come together and by means of praxis, of engaging, of living and experiencing, learning through doing and through experimenting. Organizations of Displaced Persons do just that. Praxis doesn't just spring from one’s own inspiration, but it also inspires the uninspired.
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